In his lifetime Bernard Narokobi had
challenged Indigenous jurists and scholars to construct a contemporary
Melanesian Jurisprudence. We still have to step up to that challenge. Is it
possible to identify concepts of law in Melanesian societies that are important
to the development of a contemporary Melanesian jurisprudence?
Contemporary Melanesian
jurisprudence according to Narokobi “is neither the ‘pure’ classical Melanesian
jurisprudence, nor an adoption of an Anglo-Australian jurisprudence. It is a
combination of the classical and the contemporary or the new ideas, whatever
their sources or origins” (1989: 15). It is a consistent occurrence and
observation of rules that are universal in nature among the Melanesians that
qualify for recognition.
A lot of research is needed to
cover all aspects of customary law in PNG. The importance of customary law is
expressed in the Constitution, given
statutory recognition in the Underlying
Law and Customary Law Acts of
Papua New Guinea. The need for research and development of customary law is
critical to Papua New Guinea.
Customary
Law in Papua New Guinea
In Customary Law in Papua New Guinea: A Melanesian View Richard
Scaglion notes that many Papua New Guinea societies share similarities and
common perspectives of what law is in Melanesian societies. One of the
conclusion derived from that research is that there exists broad similarities
in procedure rather than substantive law: “Although Papua New Guinean customary law does
not stress the use of precedents, there are certain expectations about
appropriate punishments for particular wrongs and appropriate amounts of
compensation for certain actions. People generally ‘know’ how much should be
paid. These expectations have been developed through knowledge of similar cases
in the past: that is, through case law” (Scaglion 1983: vii).
To make sense of what customary
law is in PNG I will look at the following aspects: Land, ownership and
property, authority and power, ritual life, sex and prohibited relationships,
family law, housing and residence, social obligations and dispute settlement.
Land
Among the Nagum Boikens land is
the source of strength and vitality in the lives of those who live on the land.
Land ownership remains with each family and clans. Land is own under lineage
line: “There is no individual ownership except in the case where a man had
cleared away a section of the land for the first time without the help from
other relatives. In addition, there are other pieces of land that are jointly
owned by the lineages or the community as a whole.” (Kamanabi 1983: 9-3;
Scaglion 1976:65). Land use and cultivation is considered highly among family
members wishing to sustain their lives and maintain continuity of life support
and regeneration of family lines. “Customary laws govern the ownership and use
of customary land in the country. The land is communally owned by a clan or a
tribe, but individual members of these groups have right of us. After their use
the land goes back to the ownership of the group” (Matui 2012: 44).
Ownership and Property
Like the Arapesh, the Nagum
Boikens consider “exclusive rights to ownership and use of songs and names” as
belonging “to the lineage or clan concerned. Anyone outside the lineage wanting
to use a name or sing songs at a special occasion must seek permission
beforehand. Names here do not mean the names of individuals, but rather the
names of clans—for instance, the wama clan
(or pisin), wama meaning the white cockatoo.” (Kamanabi 1983: 10-11). The Nagum Boikens are also particular with
names of individuals, especially in selecting and naming children within the
family line. Where disagreements on naming rights occur immediate withdrawal of
the name in question is executed. Where a name is given by someone outside of
the family line a certain payment for naming is executed at the time of naming.
Without observing such a practice the turn of events in the lives of all those
concerned can have tragic endings or misfortunes.
Power and Authority
The construction of power and
authority in Nagum Boiken societies is as complex and abstract in a lot of
sense. In terms of law and its application in the interplay of power and
authority the Nagum Boikens observe general trends as in many Melanesian
societies. As in Arapesh society “leadership and control seem to be in the
hands of influential big men and not all the big men…succession to leadership
is one of achievement and it not ascribed. It is worth mentioning that the son of
a big man is already an important person in the village, but this should not
mean that he is already a big man. Depending on his personality, he may be
recognized as a potential leader, but then he has to prove himself as a leader
and be accepted as one by the community” (Kamanabi 1983: 12).
Each of the specific areas in
ritual life such as holombo
(initiation), piangangi (menstruation),
pregnancy (yali le) and childbirth (nien hala), sorcery and witchcraft,
death, hunting, and deviance have specific laws that define what to do, what
not to do, and directs people to follow a certain path and way of
participation. The laws of the Nagum Boikens are lodged within their own
cultural institution that even modern ways have a hard time disrupting the
continuity of many of the ritual life in the village environments.
Family Law
Issues of family law in Nagum
Boiken societies are determined through the process of observing the culturally
accepted rules of conduct and managing family life. Though in modern times adhering to strict
family laws is difficult to enforce, the unwritten laws that holds families
together remain the cornerstone of strong family foundations in Nagum Boiken
societies.
Sometimes classical Melanesian
jurisprudence exist in the primordial past without making sense to the present
as such cannot appeal to the business of issuing it as a law. Yet, that same
law is conceptualized in new ways, taking on board the new and old, introduced
and the practiced jurisprudence, that insists on serving as the basis of a new
Melanesian jurisprudence.
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